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Tuesday, September 28, 2010
Wednesday, April 28, 2010
Samuel Adams - Founding Father, Scientific Christian
Our unalterable resolution would be to be free. They have attempted to subdue us by force, but God be praised! in vain. Their arts may be more dangerous than their arms. Let us then renounce all treaty with them upon any score but that of total separation, and under God trust our cause to our swords. Samuel Adams, letter to James Warren, April 16, 1776
The liberties of our country, the freedom of our civil constitution, are worth defending against all hazards: And it is our duty to defend them against all attacks. Samuel Adams
"Mr. Adams was a Christian. His mind was early imbued with piety, as well as cultivated by science. He early approached the table of the Lord Jesus, and the purity of his life witnessed the sincerity of his profession. On the Christian Sabbath, he constantly went to the temple, and the morning and evening devotions in his family proved, that his religion attended him in his seasons of retirement from the world. The last production of his pen was in favor of Christian truth. He died in the faith of the Gospel."
William Allen, An American Biographical and Historical Dictionary, Containing an Account of the Lives, Characters, and Writings of the Most Eminent Persons in North America from Its First Discovery to the Present Time, and a Summary of the History of the Several Colonies and of the United States (Cambridge: William Hilliard, 1809), pp. 3-6.]
The rights of the colonists as Christians...may be best understood by reading and carefully studying the institutes of the Great Law Giver and Head of the Christian Church, which are to be found clearly written and promulgated in the New Testament. Samuel Adams
Samuel Adams descended from a family that was among the first to settle in America. In the year 1736, he attended Harvard University, graduating in 1740, distinguished for classical and scientific achievements. He continued on to obtain a master's, already showing a prophetic interest in America's liberty should she be treated unfairly by the mother country.
Upon graduation, he opened a business out of respect for his mother's wishes; but his heart was never sold to mercantile pursuits, and he failed at the business endeavor. Political rights and philosophical theory overtook his thoughts and activities to the point where he neglected many worldly concerns. He was knowledgeable, to be sure, in areas that benefited us as a liberated nation; but to him personally, time and energy spent to achieve his extensive comprehension proved to show him some material harm. It was said that he ate little, drank little, slept little, and thought much. He did not care about making money and did not care to accumulate property. Of his inheritance, he lent half to a friend who never repaid him. He often held a political office without pay or very scant pay.
When he saw England tax America's businesses, he asked, "If our trade may be taxed, why not our lands? Why not the produce of our lands, and every thing we possess, or use? This we conceive annihilates our charter rights to govern and tax ourselves." His boldness in denouncing unjust acts of the British ministry branded him as a leader of the patriotic party. He later became known as the "Father of the Revolution," admitting "that the independence of the United States upon Great Britain had been the first wish of his heart seven years before the war."
In 1765 he was elected a representative to the general court of Massachusetts; and serving in that body until 1774, his truth was heard as he served on almost every committee and assisted in writing nearly every report to counteract unjust plans of the British administration. His passion for political exercises continued to consume his time while his finances suffered. When England learned that he was destitute, Governor Hutchinson was asked to help him out with a high-paying office serving the Crown's government, which would be against the liberties of the colonists. However, Hutchinson knew Adams very well and told England that "Such is the obstinacy and inflexible disposition of the man, that he never can be conciliated by any office or gift whatever."
Samuel Adams wrote under several pen names to educate the masses about their God-given rights. If a bad law is passed, it is the people's responsibility to recognize it as a bad law and to fight against it. And, indeed, it is fortunate for us that our ancestors understood their own rights, and continued with courage to assert them.
It wasn't long before Adams was messaged by General Gage through Colonel Fenton that if he did not cease opposition to the royal government, he would be put on trial for treason. However, if he did change his political conduct, he could enjoy prestige and wealth. To this proposal, Adams replied; "Go tell Governor Gage, that my peace has long since been made with the King of kings, and that it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him, no longer to insult the feelings of an already exasperated people." Angered and red-faced at the waghalters, Gage proclaimed, "I do hereby in his majesty's name, offer and promise his most gracious pardon to all persons, who shall forthwith lay down their arms, and return to the duties of peaceable subjects: excepting only from the benefits of such pardon, Samuel Adams, and John Hancock, whose offenses are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration but that of condign punishment."
Nothing is more essential to the establishment of manners in a State than that all persons employed in places of power and trust must be men of unexceptionable characters.
Samuel Adams, letter to James Warren, 1775
Adams attended the Continental Congress from 1774 until 1781. Benjamin Rush described, "He was near sixty years of age when he took his seat in Congress, but possessed all the vigor of mind of a young man of five and twenty.....He considered national happiness and the public patronage of religion as inseparably connected; and so great was his regard for public worship, as the means of promoting religion, that he constantly attended divine service in the German church in Yorktown while the Congress sat there, when there was no service in their chapel, although he was ignorant of the German language. His morals were irreproachable, and even ambition and avarice, the usual vices of politicians, seemed to have no place in his breast. He seldom spoke in Congress, but was active in preparing and doing business out of doors.....His abilities were considerable, and his knowledge extensive and correct upon Revolutionary subjects, and both friends and enemies agree in viewing him as one of the most active instruments of the American Revolution."
In April of 1775, between the First and Second Continental Congresses, he and John Hancock narrowly escaped the British, having just enough time to get away after being warned by Paul Revere and William Dawes. Between 1781 and 1788, Adams was part of the Massachusetts State Senate.
The liberties of our country, the freedom of our civil constitution, are worth defending against all hazards: And it is our duty to defend them against all attacks. Samuel Adams
"Mr. Adams was a Christian. His mind was early imbued with piety, as well as cultivated by science. He early approached the table of the Lord Jesus, and the purity of his life witnessed the sincerity of his profession. On the Christian Sabbath, he constantly went to the temple, and the morning and evening devotions in his family proved, that his religion attended him in his seasons of retirement from the world. The last production of his pen was in favor of Christian truth. He died in the faith of the Gospel."
William Allen, An American Biographical and Historical Dictionary, Containing an Account of the Lives, Characters, and Writings of the Most Eminent Persons in North America from Its First Discovery to the Present Time, and a Summary of the History of the Several Colonies and of the United States (Cambridge: William Hilliard, 1809), pp. 3-6.]
The rights of the colonists as Christians...may be best understood by reading and carefully studying the institutes of the Great Law Giver and Head of the Christian Church, which are to be found clearly written and promulgated in the New Testament. Samuel Adams
Samuel Adams descended from a family that was among the first to settle in America. In the year 1736, he attended Harvard University, graduating in 1740, distinguished for classical and scientific achievements. He continued on to obtain a master's, already showing a prophetic interest in America's liberty should she be treated unfairly by the mother country.
Upon graduation, he opened a business out of respect for his mother's wishes; but his heart was never sold to mercantile pursuits, and he failed at the business endeavor. Political rights and philosophical theory overtook his thoughts and activities to the point where he neglected many worldly concerns. He was knowledgeable, to be sure, in areas that benefited us as a liberated nation; but to him personally, time and energy spent to achieve his extensive comprehension proved to show him some material harm. It was said that he ate little, drank little, slept little, and thought much. He did not care about making money and did not care to accumulate property. Of his inheritance, he lent half to a friend who never repaid him. He often held a political office without pay or very scant pay.
When he saw England tax America's businesses, he asked, "If our trade may be taxed, why not our lands? Why not the produce of our lands, and every thing we possess, or use? This we conceive annihilates our charter rights to govern and tax ourselves." His boldness in denouncing unjust acts of the British ministry branded him as a leader of the patriotic party. He later became known as the "Father of the Revolution," admitting "that the independence of the United States upon Great Britain had been the first wish of his heart seven years before the war."
In 1765 he was elected a representative to the general court of Massachusetts; and serving in that body until 1774, his truth was heard as he served on almost every committee and assisted in writing nearly every report to counteract unjust plans of the British administration. His passion for political exercises continued to consume his time while his finances suffered. When England learned that he was destitute, Governor Hutchinson was asked to help him out with a high-paying office serving the Crown's government, which would be against the liberties of the colonists. However, Hutchinson knew Adams very well and told England that "Such is the obstinacy and inflexible disposition of the man, that he never can be conciliated by any office or gift whatever."
Samuel Adams wrote under several pen names to educate the masses about their God-given rights. If a bad law is passed, it is the people's responsibility to recognize it as a bad law and to fight against it. And, indeed, it is fortunate for us that our ancestors understood their own rights, and continued with courage to assert them.
It wasn't long before Adams was messaged by General Gage through Colonel Fenton that if he did not cease opposition to the royal government, he would be put on trial for treason. However, if he did change his political conduct, he could enjoy prestige and wealth. To this proposal, Adams replied; "Go tell Governor Gage, that my peace has long since been made with the King of kings, and that it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him, no longer to insult the feelings of an already exasperated people." Angered and red-faced at the waghalters, Gage proclaimed, "I do hereby in his majesty's name, offer and promise his most gracious pardon to all persons, who shall forthwith lay down their arms, and return to the duties of peaceable subjects: excepting only from the benefits of such pardon, Samuel Adams, and John Hancock, whose offenses are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration but that of condign punishment."
Nothing is more essential to the establishment of manners in a State than that all persons employed in places of power and trust must be men of unexceptionable characters.
Samuel Adams, letter to James Warren, 1775
Adams attended the Continental Congress from 1774 until 1781. Benjamin Rush described, "He was near sixty years of age when he took his seat in Congress, but possessed all the vigor of mind of a young man of five and twenty.....He considered national happiness and the public patronage of religion as inseparably connected; and so great was his regard for public worship, as the means of promoting religion, that he constantly attended divine service in the German church in Yorktown while the Congress sat there, when there was no service in their chapel, although he was ignorant of the German language. His morals were irreproachable, and even ambition and avarice, the usual vices of politicians, seemed to have no place in his breast. He seldom spoke in Congress, but was active in preparing and doing business out of doors.....His abilities were considerable, and his knowledge extensive and correct upon Revolutionary subjects, and both friends and enemies agree in viewing him as one of the most active instruments of the American Revolution."
In April of 1775, between the First and Second Continental Congresses, he and John Hancock narrowly escaped the British, having just enough time to get away after being warned by Paul Revere and William Dawes. Between 1781 and 1788, Adams was part of the Massachusetts State Senate.
Be of good courage, and he shall strengthen your heart, all ye that hope in the Lord.
Psalm 31:24
Psalm 31:24
After Congress signed the Declaration of Independence, fear settled within the hearts of many colonists. Doubts and misgivings were expressed as they considered that perhaps they were too hasty in their zeal for freedom. Adams was confident of heaven's blessings and responded to them, "The chance is desperate.........Indeed, indeed, it is desperate if this be our language. If we wear long faces, others will do so too; if we despair, let us not expect that others will hope; or that they will persevere in a contest, from which their leaders shrink. But let not such feelings, let not such language, be ours.......I should advise persisting in our struggle for liberty, though it were revealed from Heaven that nine hundred and ninety-nine were to perish, and only one of a thousand were to survive and retain his liberty! One such freeman must possess more virtue, and enjoy more happiness, than a thousand slaves; and let him propagate his like, and transmit to them what he hath so nobly preserved."
A little that a righteous man hath is better than the riches of many wicked.
Psalm 37:16
Psalm 37:16
Veterans Fight to Keep 75-yr. old Mojave Desert Memorial cross (www.donttearmedown.com)
See: Sweet Devotions
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Friday, March 19, 2010
The thing that separates the American Christian from every other person on earth is the fact that he would rather die on his feet, than live on his knees! George Washington
When wrongs are pressed because it is believed they will be borne, resistance becomes morality. Thomas Jefferson
Who are the militia? Are they not ourselves? It is feared, then, that we shall turn our arms each man against his own bosom. Congress have no power to disarm the militia. Their swords, and every other terrible implement of the soldier, are the birthright of an American...the unlimited power of the sword is not in the hands of either the federal or state governments, but, where I trust in God it will ever remain, in the hands of the people. A Pennsylvanian, The Pennsylvania Gazette, February 20, 1788
When the resolution of enslaving America was formed in Great Britain, the British Parliament was advised by an artful man, — who was governor of Pennsylvania, to disarm the people; that it was the best and most effectual way to enslave them; but that they should not do it openly, but weaken them, and let them sink gradually, by totally disusing and neglecting the militia. George Mason, speech in the Virginia Ratifying Convention, June 14, 1778
What, Sir, is the use of a militia? It is to prevent the establishment of a standing army, the bane of liberty. Whenever governments mean to invade the rights and liberties of the people, they always attempt to destroy the militia, in order to raise an army upon their ruins. Elbridge Gerry
If fear is cultivated it will become stronger, if faith is cultivated it will achieve mastery. John Paul Jones
[W]hereas, to preserve liberty, it is essential that the whole body of the people always possess arms, and be taught alike, especially when young, how to use them; nor does it follow from this, that all promiscuously must go into actual service on every occasion. The mind that aims at a select militia, must be influenced by a truly anti-republican principle; and when we see many men disposed to practice upon it, whenever they can prevail, no wonder true republicans are for carefully guarding against it. Federal Farmer, Antifederalist Letter, No.18, January 25, 1778
Before a standing army can rule, the people must be disarmed; as they are in almost every kingdom of Europe. The supreme power in America cannot enforce unjust laws by the sword; because the whole body of the people are armed, and constitute a force superior to any band of regular troops that can be, on any pretence, raised in the United States. Noah Webster, An Examination into the Leading Principles of the Federal Constitution, 1787
Guard with jealous attention the public liberty. Suspect every one who approaches that jewel. Unfortunately, nothing will preserve it but downright force. Whenever you give up that force, you are inevitably ruined. Patrick Henry, speech in the Virginia Ratifying Convention, June 5, 1778
It is important also to consider, that the surest means of avoiding war is to be prepared for it in peace. Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution, 1833
Laws that forbid the carrying of arms... disarm only those who are neither inclined nor determined to commit crimes... Such laws make things worse for the assaulted and better for the assailants; they serve rather to encourage than to prevent homicides, for an unarmed man may be attacked with greater confidence than an armed man. Cesare Beccaria, On Crimes and Punishment, quoted by Thomas Jefferson in Commonplace Book, 1774-1776
A militia, when properly formed, are in fact the people themselves ... and include all men capable of bearing arms. Richard Henry Lee
Who are the militia? Are they not ourselves? Is it feared, then, that we shall turn our arms each man gainst his own bosom. Congress have no power to disarm the militia. Their swords, and every other terrible implement of the soldier, are the birthright of an American...[T]he unlimited power of the sword is not in the hands of either the federal or state governments, but, where I trust in God it will ever remain, in the hands of the people. Tenche Coxe, The Pennsylvania Gazette, Feb. 20, 1788
The Constitution shall never be construed to prevent the people of the United States, who are peaceable citizens from keeping their own arms. Samuel Adams
Americans [have] the right and advantage of being armed, unlike the citizens of other countries whose governments are afraid to trust their people with arms. James Madison
A strong body makes the mind strong. As to the species of exercises, I advise the gun. While this gives moderate exercise to the body, it gives boldness, enterprise and independence to the mind. Games played with the ball, and others of that nature, are too violent for the body and stamp no character on the mind. Let your gun therefore be your constant companion of your walks. Thomas Jefferson to Peter Carr, 1785. The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, (Memorial Edition) Lipscomb and Bergh, editors.
One loves to possess arms, though they hope never to have occasion for them. Thomas Jefferson to George Washington, 1796. The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, (Memorial Edition) Lipscomb and Bergh, editors.
Laws that forbid the carrying of arms... disarm only those who are neither inclined nor determined to commit crimes... Such laws make things worse for the assaulted and better for the assailants; they serve rather to encourage than to prevent homicides, for an unarmed man may be attacked with greater confidence than an armed man. Jefferson's "Commonplace Book," 1774_1776, quoting from On Crimes and Punishment, by criminologist Cesare Beccaria, 1764
No free man shall ever be debarred the use of arms. Thomas Jefferson, Proposed Virginia Constitution, 1776, Jefferson Papers 344.
When wrongs are pressed because it is believed they will be borne, resistance becomes morality. Thomas Jefferson
Who are the militia? Are they not ourselves? It is feared, then, that we shall turn our arms each man against his own bosom. Congress have no power to disarm the militia. Their swords, and every other terrible implement of the soldier, are the birthright of an American...the unlimited power of the sword is not in the hands of either the federal or state governments, but, where I trust in God it will ever remain, in the hands of the people. A Pennsylvanian, The Pennsylvania Gazette, February 20, 1788
When the resolution of enslaving America was formed in Great Britain, the British Parliament was advised by an artful man, — who was governor of Pennsylvania, to disarm the people; that it was the best and most effectual way to enslave them; but that they should not do it openly, but weaken them, and let them sink gradually, by totally disusing and neglecting the militia. George Mason, speech in the Virginia Ratifying Convention, June 14, 1778
What, Sir, is the use of a militia? It is to prevent the establishment of a standing army, the bane of liberty. Whenever governments mean to invade the rights and liberties of the people, they always attempt to destroy the militia, in order to raise an army upon their ruins. Elbridge Gerry
If fear is cultivated it will become stronger, if faith is cultivated it will achieve mastery. John Paul Jones
[W]hereas, to preserve liberty, it is essential that the whole body of the people always possess arms, and be taught alike, especially when young, how to use them; nor does it follow from this, that all promiscuously must go into actual service on every occasion. The mind that aims at a select militia, must be influenced by a truly anti-republican principle; and when we see many men disposed to practice upon it, whenever they can prevail, no wonder true republicans are for carefully guarding against it. Federal Farmer, Antifederalist Letter, No.18, January 25, 1778
Before a standing army can rule, the people must be disarmed; as they are in almost every kingdom of Europe. The supreme power in America cannot enforce unjust laws by the sword; because the whole body of the people are armed, and constitute a force superior to any band of regular troops that can be, on any pretence, raised in the United States. Noah Webster, An Examination into the Leading Principles of the Federal Constitution, 1787
Guard with jealous attention the public liberty. Suspect every one who approaches that jewel. Unfortunately, nothing will preserve it but downright force. Whenever you give up that force, you are inevitably ruined. Patrick Henry, speech in the Virginia Ratifying Convention, June 5, 1778
It is important also to consider, that the surest means of avoiding war is to be prepared for it in peace. Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution, 1833
Laws that forbid the carrying of arms... disarm only those who are neither inclined nor determined to commit crimes... Such laws make things worse for the assaulted and better for the assailants; they serve rather to encourage than to prevent homicides, for an unarmed man may be attacked with greater confidence than an armed man. Cesare Beccaria, On Crimes and Punishment, quoted by Thomas Jefferson in Commonplace Book, 1774-1776
A militia, when properly formed, are in fact the people themselves ... and include all men capable of bearing arms. Richard Henry Lee
Who are the militia? Are they not ourselves? Is it feared, then, that we shall turn our arms each man gainst his own bosom. Congress have no power to disarm the militia. Their swords, and every other terrible implement of the soldier, are the birthright of an American...[T]he unlimited power of the sword is not in the hands of either the federal or state governments, but, where I trust in God it will ever remain, in the hands of the people. Tenche Coxe, The Pennsylvania Gazette, Feb. 20, 1788
The Constitution shall never be construed to prevent the people of the United States, who are peaceable citizens from keeping their own arms. Samuel Adams
Americans [have] the right and advantage of being armed, unlike the citizens of other countries whose governments are afraid to trust their people with arms. James Madison
A strong body makes the mind strong. As to the species of exercises, I advise the gun. While this gives moderate exercise to the body, it gives boldness, enterprise and independence to the mind. Games played with the ball, and others of that nature, are too violent for the body and stamp no character on the mind. Let your gun therefore be your constant companion of your walks. Thomas Jefferson to Peter Carr, 1785. The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, (Memorial Edition) Lipscomb and Bergh, editors.
One loves to possess arms, though they hope never to have occasion for them. Thomas Jefferson to George Washington, 1796. The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, (Memorial Edition) Lipscomb and Bergh, editors.
Laws that forbid the carrying of arms... disarm only those who are neither inclined nor determined to commit crimes... Such laws make things worse for the assaulted and better for the assailants; they serve rather to encourage than to prevent homicides, for an unarmed man may be attacked with greater confidence than an armed man. Jefferson's "Commonplace Book," 1774_1776, quoting from On Crimes and Punishment, by criminologist Cesare Beccaria, 1764
No free man shall ever be debarred the use of arms. Thomas Jefferson, Proposed Virginia Constitution, 1776, Jefferson Papers 344.
Buy Godly Minds, Bold Hearts from Amazon or purchase from Miss Kitty's Attic of Classics, Box 8182, Yakima, WA 98908, $24.99
Saturday, March 13, 2010
William Hooper - Signer from North Carolina
With hard work, Hooper's business brought success.
After signing for freedom, his life was duress.
After signing for freedom, his life was duress.
Episcopalian Ian Dorion, "Table of the Religious Affiliations of American Founders," 1997.
He was the oldest of five children born in Boston to Reverend William Hooper, a Scotch immigrant and Congregationalist clergyman who later transferred to the Anglican Church, and to Mary Dennie, daughter of a Boston merchant.
After seven years of education at Boston Latin School, he entered Harvard College where he graduated to continue his studies in law under James Otis.
In 1767, he settled in Wilmington, North Carolina, and married Anne Clarke, the daughter of an early settler to the area.
In 1773 he represented Wilmington in the General Assembly and attended the Continental Congress in 1774.
He proved himself a man of high honor when he spoke out against an unfair bill that, if passed, would have elevated his law profession, but he chose against it because it would be unfair. He showed that as a philotomist he preferred honorable poverty to wealth if the acquisition of wealth were to be made at the expense of principle.
Hooper became the "Prophet of Independence" because in 1774 he wrote,
Hooper became the "Prophet of Independence" because in 1774 he wrote,
"The Colonies are striding fast to independence, and ere long will build an empire upon the ruins of Great Britain; will adopt its Constitution, purged of its impurities, and from an experience of its defects, will guard against those evils which have wasted its vigor."
He chaired a committee which prepared a resolution for a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer to be observed throughout the colonies on July 20, 1775. (See below)
He chaired a committee which prepared a resolution for a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer to be observed throughout the colonies on July 20, 1775. (See below)
With Thomas Jefferson, Hooper served on a committee to draft the Declaration of Independence. Even though it saddened him to see that members of his family remained loyalists, he nevertheless donated his fortune and future professional income as a lawyer toward the cause.
In 1777, he contracted yellow fever and was obliged to leave Congress.
As a result of his siding with the patriots against his own family, the lobster-coats destroyed his plantation. Mrs. Hooper and two of her children were forced to flee by wagon to Hillsborough where her brother General Clark sheltered them.
As a result of his siding with the patriots against his own family, the lobster-coats destroyed his plantation. Mrs. Hooper and two of her children were forced to flee by wagon to Hillsborough where her brother General Clark sheltered them.
Suffering from his illness and a badly injured arm, and fleeing from home to home, Hooper also found refuge in Hillsborough, where he was able to serve as a state legislator.
He attended the General Assembly of 1777-81 as member for the borough of Wilmington, serving on numerous committees. Per the treaty ending the war, he forgave loyalists and protected their rights even when a majority in his jurisdiction wanted revenge.
He attended the General Assembly of 1777-81 as member for the borough of Wilmington, serving on numerous committees. Per the treaty ending the war, he forgave loyalists and protected their rights even when a majority in his jurisdiction wanted revenge.
Take heed to yourselves: If thy brother trespass against thee, rebuke him; and if he repent, forgive him. Luke 17:31
William Hooper, 1742-1790, Misunderstood Patriot (Ph.D. diss., Tulane University, 1980); William Powell, North Carolina: A History (Chapel Hill, 1988); Edward C. Quinn, Signer Of The Constitution Of The United States (New York, 1988); Phillip Roth, Masonry In The Formation Of Our Government, 1761-1799 (New York, December, 2005) Pyne, Frederick Wallace, Descendants of the Signers of The Declaration of Independence, Volume 7 http://www.ushistory.org/declaration/signers/hooper.htm
Baker, Thomas E., The Monuments St Guilford Courthouse National Military Park Pyne, Frederick Wallace, Rev., Descendants of the Signers of The Declaration of Independence, Volume 7
General George Washington observes Day of Public Humiliation, Fasting, and Prayer
July 16, 1775
The Continental Congress having earnestly recommended, that "Thursday next the 20th. Instant, be observed by the Inhabitants of all the English Colonies upon this Continent, as a Day of public Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer; that they may with united Hearts and Voice unfeignedly confess their Sins before God, and supplicate the all wise and merciful disposer of events, to avert the Desolation and Calamities of an unnatural war." The General orders, that Day to be religiously observed by the Forces under his Command, exactly in manner directed by the proclamation of the Continental Congress: It is therefore strictly enjoin'd on all Officers and Soldiers, (not upon duty) to attend Divine Service, at the accustomed places of worship, as well in the Lines, as the Encampments and Quarters; and it is expected, that all those who go to worship, do take their Arms, Ammunitions and Accoutrements and are prepared for immediate Action if called upon. If in the judgment of the Officers, the Works should appear to be in such forwardness as the utmost security of the Camp requires, they will command their men to abstain from all Labour upon that solemn day.
July 16, 1775
The Continental Congress having earnestly recommended, that "Thursday next the 20th. Instant, be observed by the Inhabitants of all the English Colonies upon this Continent, as a Day of public Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer; that they may with united Hearts and Voice unfeignedly confess their Sins before God, and supplicate the all wise and merciful disposer of events, to avert the Desolation and Calamities of an unnatural war." The General orders, that Day to be religiously observed by the Forces under his Command, exactly in manner directed by the proclamation of the Continental Congress: It is therefore strictly enjoin'd on all Officers and Soldiers, (not upon duty) to attend Divine Service, at the accustomed places of worship, as well in the Lines, as the Encampments and Quarters; and it is expected, that all those who go to worship, do take their Arms, Ammunitions and Accoutrements and are prepared for immediate Action if called upon. If in the judgment of the Officers, the Works should appear to be in such forwardness as the utmost security of the Camp requires, they will command their men to abstain from all Labour upon that solemn day.
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Wednesday, February 17, 2010
The Mount Vernon Statement
Sign the The Mount Vernon Statement
Constitutional Conservatism: A Statement for the 21st Century
We recommit ourselves to the ideas of the American Founding. Through the Constitution, the Founders created an enduring framework of limited government based on the rule of law. They sought to secure national independence, provide for economic opportunity, establish true religious liberty and maintain a flourishing society of republican self-government.
These principles define us as a country and inspire us as a people. They are responsible for a prosperous, just nation unlike any other in the world. They are our highest achievements, serving not only as powerful beacons to all who strive for freedom and seek self-government, but as warnings to tyrants and despots everywhere.
Each one of these founding ideas is presently under sustained attack. In recent decades, America’s principles have been undermined and redefined in our culture, our universities and our politics. The selfevident truths of 1776 have been supplanted by the notion that no such truths exist. The federal government today ignores the limits of the Constitution, which is increasingly dismissed as obsolete and irrelevant.
Some insist that America must change, cast off the old and put on the new. But where would this lead — forward or backward, up or down? Isn’t this idea of change an empty promise or even a dangerous deception?
The change we urgently need, a change consistent with the American ideal, is not movement away from but toward our founding principles. At this important time, we need a restatement of Constitutional conservatism grounded in the priceless principle of ordered liberty articulated in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
The conservatism of the Declaration asserts self-evident truths based on the laws of nature and nature’s God. It defends life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. It traces authority to the consent of the governed. It recognizes man’s self-interest but also his capacity for virtue.
The conservatism of the Constitution limits government’s powers but ensures that government performs its proper job effectively. It refines popular will through the filter of representation. It provides checks and balances through the several branches of government and a federal republic.
A Constitutional conservatism unites all conservatives through the natural fusion provided by American principles. It reminds economic conservatives that morality is essential to limited government, social conservatives that unlimited government is a threat to moral self-government, and national security conservatives that energetic but responsible government is the key to America’s safety and leadership role in the world.
A Constitutional conservatism based on first principles provides the framework for a consistent and meaningful policy agenda.
» It applies the principle of limited government based on the
rule of law to every proposal.
» It honors the central place of individual liberty in American
politics and life.
» It encourages free enterprise, the individual entrepreneur, and
economic reforms grounded in market solutions.
» It supports America’s national interest in advancing freedom
and opposing tyranny in the world and prudently considers what we can and should do to that
end.
» It informs conservatism’s firm defense of family, neighborhood,
community, and faith.
If we are to succeed in the critical political and policy battles ahead, we must be certain of our purpose.
We must begin by retaking and resolutely defending the high ground of America’s founding principles.
February 17, 2010
Edwin Meese, former U.S. Attorney General under President Reagan
Wendy Wright, president of Concerned Women for America
Edwin Feulner, Jr., president of the Heritage Foundation
Lee Edwards, Distinguished Fellow in Conservative Thought at the Heritage Foundation, was present at the Sharon Statement signing.
Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council
Becky Norton Dunlop, president of the Council for National Policy
Brent Bozell, president of the Media Research Center
Alfred Regnery, publisher of the American Spectator
David Keene, president of the American Conservative Union
David McIntosh, co-founder of the Federalist Society
T. Kenneth Cribb, former domestic policy adviser to President Reagan
Grover Norquist, president of Americans for Tax Reform
William Wilson, President, Americans for Limited Government
Elaine Donnelly, Center for Military Readiness
Richard Viguerie, Chairman, ConservativeHQ.com
Kenneth Blackwell, Coalition for a Conservative Majority
Colin Hanna, President, Let Freedom Ring
Kathryn J. Lopez, National Review
© 2010 The Mount Vernon Statement is Proudly Powered By WordPress Theme by The Cloisters
Constitutional Conservatism: A Statement for the 21st Century
We recommit ourselves to the ideas of the American Founding. Through the Constitution, the Founders created an enduring framework of limited government based on the rule of law. They sought to secure national independence, provide for economic opportunity, establish true religious liberty and maintain a flourishing society of republican self-government.
These principles define us as a country and inspire us as a people. They are responsible for a prosperous, just nation unlike any other in the world. They are our highest achievements, serving not only as powerful beacons to all who strive for freedom and seek self-government, but as warnings to tyrants and despots everywhere.
Each one of these founding ideas is presently under sustained attack. In recent decades, America’s principles have been undermined and redefined in our culture, our universities and our politics. The selfevident truths of 1776 have been supplanted by the notion that no such truths exist. The federal government today ignores the limits of the Constitution, which is increasingly dismissed as obsolete and irrelevant.
Some insist that America must change, cast off the old and put on the new. But where would this lead — forward or backward, up or down? Isn’t this idea of change an empty promise or even a dangerous deception?
The change we urgently need, a change consistent with the American ideal, is not movement away from but toward our founding principles. At this important time, we need a restatement of Constitutional conservatism grounded in the priceless principle of ordered liberty articulated in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
The conservatism of the Declaration asserts self-evident truths based on the laws of nature and nature’s God. It defends life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. It traces authority to the consent of the governed. It recognizes man’s self-interest but also his capacity for virtue.
The conservatism of the Constitution limits government’s powers but ensures that government performs its proper job effectively. It refines popular will through the filter of representation. It provides checks and balances through the several branches of government and a federal republic.
A Constitutional conservatism unites all conservatives through the natural fusion provided by American principles. It reminds economic conservatives that morality is essential to limited government, social conservatives that unlimited government is a threat to moral self-government, and national security conservatives that energetic but responsible government is the key to America’s safety and leadership role in the world.
A Constitutional conservatism based on first principles provides the framework for a consistent and meaningful policy agenda.
» It applies the principle of limited government based on the
rule of law to every proposal.
» It honors the central place of individual liberty in American
politics and life.
» It encourages free enterprise, the individual entrepreneur, and
economic reforms grounded in market solutions.
» It supports America’s national interest in advancing freedom
and opposing tyranny in the world and prudently considers what we can and should do to that
end.
» It informs conservatism’s firm defense of family, neighborhood,
community, and faith.
If we are to succeed in the critical political and policy battles ahead, we must be certain of our purpose.
We must begin by retaking and resolutely defending the high ground of America’s founding principles.
February 17, 2010
Edwin Meese, former U.S. Attorney General under President Reagan
Wendy Wright, president of Concerned Women for America
Edwin Feulner, Jr., president of the Heritage Foundation
Lee Edwards, Distinguished Fellow in Conservative Thought at the Heritage Foundation, was present at the Sharon Statement signing.
Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council
Becky Norton Dunlop, president of the Council for National Policy
Brent Bozell, president of the Media Research Center
Alfred Regnery, publisher of the American Spectator
David Keene, president of the American Conservative Union
David McIntosh, co-founder of the Federalist Society
T. Kenneth Cribb, former domestic policy adviser to President Reagan
Grover Norquist, president of Americans for Tax Reform
William Wilson, President, Americans for Limited Government
Elaine Donnelly, Center for Military Readiness
Richard Viguerie, Chairman, ConservativeHQ.com
Kenneth Blackwell, Coalition for a Conservative Majority
Colin Hanna, President, Let Freedom Ring
Kathryn J. Lopez, National Review
© 2010 The Mount Vernon Statement is Proudly Powered By WordPress Theme by The Cloisters
Friday, February 5, 2010
Lord, With Glowing Heart I'd Praise Thee
LORD, WITH GLOWING HEART I’D PRAISE THEE
by Francis Scott Key
Lord, with glowing heart I’d praise Thee
For the bliss Thy love bestows,
For the pard’ning grace that saves me,
And the peace that from it flows:
Help, O God, my weak endeavor;
This dull soul to rapture raise;
Thou must light the flame, or never
Can my love be warmed to praise.
Praise, my soul, the God that sought thee,
Wretched wand’rer, far astray;
Found thee lost, and kindly brought thee
From the paths of death away:
Praise with love’s devoutest feeling,
Him who saw thy guilt-born fear,
And, the light of hope revealing,
Bade the blood-stained cross appear.
Praise thy Saviour God that drew thee
To that cross, new life to give,
Held a blood-sealed pardon to thee,
Bade thee look to Him and live:
Praise the grace whose threats alarmed thee,
Roused thee from thy fatal ease,
Praise the grace whose promise warmed thee,
Praise the grace that whispered peace.
Lord, this bosom’s ardent feeling
Vainly would my lips express:
Low before Thy footstool kneeling,
Deign thy suppliant’s pray’r to bless:
Let Thy love, my soul’s chief treasure,
Love’s pure flame within me raise;
And, since words can never measure,
Let my life show forth Thy praise. Amen.
(To the tune "Faben," composed by John H. Wilcox in 1849)
The Presbyterian Hymnal (Richmond Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1949), #315. The meter is 8.7.8.7. doubled.
For I know that my redeemer liveth, and that he shall stand at the latter day upon the earth:
Job 19:25
by Francis Scott Key
Lord, with glowing heart I’d praise Thee
For the bliss Thy love bestows,
For the pard’ning grace that saves me,
And the peace that from it flows:
Help, O God, my weak endeavor;
This dull soul to rapture raise;
Thou must light the flame, or never
Can my love be warmed to praise.
Praise, my soul, the God that sought thee,
Wretched wand’rer, far astray;
Found thee lost, and kindly brought thee
From the paths of death away:
Praise with love’s devoutest feeling,
Him who saw thy guilt-born fear,
And, the light of hope revealing,
Bade the blood-stained cross appear.
Praise thy Saviour God that drew thee
To that cross, new life to give,
Held a blood-sealed pardon to thee,
Bade thee look to Him and live:
Praise the grace whose threats alarmed thee,
Roused thee from thy fatal ease,
Praise the grace whose promise warmed thee,
Praise the grace that whispered peace.
Lord, this bosom’s ardent feeling
Vainly would my lips express:
Low before Thy footstool kneeling,
Deign thy suppliant’s pray’r to bless:
Let Thy love, my soul’s chief treasure,
Love’s pure flame within me raise;
And, since words can never measure,
Let my life show forth Thy praise. Amen.
(To the tune "Faben," composed by John H. Wilcox in 1849)
The Presbyterian Hymnal (Richmond Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1949), #315. The meter is 8.7.8.7. doubled.
For I know that my redeemer liveth, and that he shall stand at the latter day upon the earth:
Job 19:25
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